From factory workers to care workers…

I wrote this article in 2014 and very little has changed for the poor women of east Manchester; whether elderly or working in the care sector.

My mother is Irish but all the women I interviewed for this article were white and British but over the following years my mother’s carers were part of the new local workforce; made up of African and south American women who were now starting their working lives in the care sector. Some of the white women were unhappy about this and quite rightly they saw the agencies as using these women as cheap labour; I did suggest joining a trade union to collectively improve their pay and conditions but was met with a disbelief that any organisation would stand up for them. This was contrary to the ethos of my family which believed that trade unions and the Labour Party were the way in which working class people would gain a better life.

To me and my mother these new women, like her other care assistants, were now part of our  family. Women; she shared her  secrets with and were key to maintaining her life in her own home.

This article appeared in Contributoria in March 2014

I grew up in east Manchester where  in the 1970s my mother, her friends, my friends’ mothers, all worked in the local factories. The area was full of factories turning  out engines and  metal products, as well as a colliery, a steelworks and Robertson’s Jam Works where my Mum worked. The factory was a collective experience, offering various shifts to suit the women’s childcare needs,   a cheap canteen and discounted food.


Fast forward to 2014 and it’s all gone. The factories have been replaced by supermarkets while  the colliery and steelworks are now  buried by Manchester City Football Club’s ground. And where are the women working? Some work  in the supermarkets but many are part of a growing (up by 15%) adult care sector workforce. Ironically they work for elderly working class women such as my mother and other women of her generation who need care assistants to keep them at home.

So how over the last thirty years have the lives of working class women in areas such as east Manchester changed? Has it been for the better or has something been lost?

The rapid growth of the adult care sector is because many working class people, like my Mum, now 90, are living much longer due to better nutrition, cessation in smoking, medical advances and the disappearance of heavy industry.  Pensioners now make up half of all benefit claimants.

Longevity has also been helped by the expansion of care  in services such as Social Services and the NHS. But over the last few years the privatisation of these services has led to a deterioration of the lives of those who  work in these services, mainly women.

J and R have worked as  care assistants for over 30 years. Originally they worked for the local council and it was  a job they enjoyed. Although low paid, the council  provided a whole range of benefits that made up for this,  including a subsidised workplace nursery right across the road from the Elderly Care Home where they worked;

R said; “I could not have afforded to pay childcare out of my wages. If I had children now I would have to give up my job, it would not be worth working.”

As well as subsidised childcare  there were other advantages to working for the local authority.

J said; “We were paid overtime at weekend and bank holidays and double time on a Sunday.”

She  benefitted when  the care home became  an Intermediate Care Centre as the number and types of jobs  increased:

“I got a senior support worker job at the ITC in 2004. I have achieved NVQ3 level in Health and Social Care and I stand in for the Assistant Manager. I am responsible for giving out medication and booking in new arrivals. My rate of pay is £8 an hour but I only have a 30 hour per week contract.”

When the ITC was taken over by a private agency she carried over her pay and pension, but lost all other benefits, including extra payments for  weekends and anti-social hours.

R was not so lucky. Her care home was closed by the local authority and she was redeployed to the ITC. She was on protected pay for 14 years but when she came off the night time working contract, because she no longer needed to look after her kids, she lost pay and leave.

“I am now on the basic hourly rate of £6.19 per hour and have to work weekends if I want to improve my take home pay.”

The fact of elderly people living longer has meant an expansion in home care as more people want to stay in their own home and councils encourage this as it is a cheaper option for them.

For women such as my mother this is the only option. She can afford it as she is one of the pensioners whose benefits have improved through  Pension Credit. She is disabled and needs round the clock support which includes five calls from care assistants during the day. Even in these times of councils cutting back on personal care payments she still only pays around £16 per week for this level of care.

My mother still lives in east Manchester and her care assistants  all come  from that area. Work is scarce and, however bad the terms and conditions are for these women, it offers them a flexibility which suits their circumstances as women with childcare responsibilites.

A is 39 She left school at 16 without any qualifications and had been working since she was 12 years old as a cleaner. She has worked in factories but her experience as a carer for her brother and becoming  a mother encouraged her to become a care assistant.  She has seen how home care work has changed in recent years.

“When I worked for Age Concern as a home help, as we were called in those days, the pay was better and I worked full-time and got paid full-time. It was through them that I got my NVQ2 and did the enhanced medication training.”

She has seen how the pay and conditions of work have deteriorated.

“We are expected to do more including giving medication, doing treatments such as feeding people through their stomach.”

A is paid £6.68 per hour. She does not get paid for her mileage. Her hours for the agency can vary from 20 to 40 hours per week and she also does private work to improve her pay. Her number of agency clients can be up to 9 and she will also look after 4 private ones.

“My working day starts at 6.30am when I drop my baby at my Mum’s house. My first appointment is at 7am and then I call back to my Mum’s to take the baby to school. I have three children; 18, 12 and 4 years. Doing this job means I can be home for the kids and give them their tea but I then have to go out later to work.”

She stays in the job because of its flexibility and because she enjoys her relationships with the clients.

“I enjoy giving people a bit of love and attention. It depresses me when I see the way families treat their old folk. I see lots of cases where families take their money and they have no food in the cupboard.”

A works very much in isolation. She depends on her mother for her childcare support while her older son has taken on looking after the youngest child.

As the home care system expands increasingly care assistants such as A. and B. are looking to move into working privately for elderly clients

B like many care assistants went into care work because of her experience of caring for a relative and the need to be around for her young children;

“I thought the work was very useful to do and you are making a big difference to elderly people’s lives. But I was really shocked by the pay and lack of nurturing and support from the agencies.”

She has had a variety of jobs in her life, including being a model, a makeup artist and running a hotel. She finds society’s attitude to care assistants very poor;

“People see it as a skivying job, something immigrants do and beneath them. They are always surprised when I tell them I am a care assistant because I am well spoken and look presentable. They are always slightly taken aback and say ‘you mean management’ and I reply ‘no, bottom wiper!'”

She sees it as a valuable job, valued by her clients and families but not by the agencies and society.

“It is an important job and you have to know a hell of a lot about medication, write notes and have a legal duty of care for your client”.

B thinks that the entire care system is wrong and needs changing;

“It should not be privatised, the council should run it. The system is based on money and not the needs of the clients. Where I work the agency is paid £15 and the care assistant only gets £7 per hour.”

Care workers

The lives of many working class women in this society have changed rapidly over the last 30 years. For some it  has meant opportunities to get a better education than their parents and achieve a professional job and better standard of living. But for some women the gains made are now being destroyed as the public services are going into meltdown. As we lead a more atomised life so the need for carers increases with a growing elderly community. But it is a community that is being serviced by a group of women who are seeing their wages and terms of conditions being reduced. And it is ironic that these workers are caring for women who had better working lives when they worked in the traditional manufacturing sector.

Unison have set up a new organisation for care workers see

Posted in anti-cuts, feminism, human rights, Ireland, labour history, Manchester, Socialism, trade unions, Uncategorized, women, working class history | Tagged , , | 2 Comments

My review of “Sound System, The Political Power of Music” by Dave Randall

dave randal

Dave Randall is a professional musician and ex-member of the SWP. In this new book he charts his own awakening into the world of music and politics and tries to explain why music is so important to all of us.

It is a major task and Dave begins by  taking  us on a historical tour starting in 380 BC  and ending with  own involvement in the recent anti-austerity demo in London. Like many people he was turned on to politics by the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa in the 1980s. Recalling hearing the Special AKA’s  perform Free Nelson Mandela he says; “In that moment, surrounded by thousands of festival goers hollering the hook, I learned- instinctively felt- that the future is unwritten and ordinary people like me could have a say. Music, I realised, is our weapon.”

For me, finding out how and why people become politically active is fascinating. Dave is unusual in that he has had a life at the top of the music industry in bands such as Faithless, and also  working with famous (or maybe infamous) singers such as Sinead O’Connor,  as well as the more interesting musicians such as Sengalese kora player Doudou Cissoko.

Dave also, quite rightly, shows the importance of grassroots organisations such as Rock Against Racism in the late 1970s and its influence on many, particularly working class young people, in relating their lives to politics through music. But whilst lauding the latest version – Love Music Hate Racism- he fails to understand that today many people (of all ages) are disillusioned with left politics, whatever the mood music.

RAR was successful because it allowed young people to express their sense of hopelessness and unhappiness through not just writing good  (and not so good music) but giving them a platform to perform their music at gigs and encouraging them to start their own political campaigns.

manchester rar

Like many people who write about music (and this may reflect his SWP politics) there is a major gap  in  the books in that he can relate to  and write  about the politics of the Arab revolutions,  but there is no mention of the music arisng from opposition to  the British presence  in Northern  Ireland. There has always been a vibrant Irish revolutionary tradition in music and in the 1980s and 1990s we saw a renaissance with bands such as the Pogues and singers such as  Christy Moore,  as well as less well-known bands  (but just as  important) Marxman and Easterhouse.

One UK based band that had an incredible influence and is missing completely from the book is  the anarchist band Chumbawamba. Is it because of their politics? They didn’t just write some of the best songs about alienation and injustice,  but took part in the Miners Strike 1984-5.  Over 30 years their songs reflected the mood of the  era; songs that were also catchy, melodic and great to dance to.

Also missing from the book are few direct comments from women singers and musicians. And I do have to challenge his interpretation of Beyonce’s performance at the 2016 NFL Superbowl where she performed her song “Formation” with references to Black Lives Matters, and the Black Panthers. Dave, after pages of analysis, decides that; “When one of the world’s biggest popstars gets political in this way, a space is momentarily forced open in the mainstream media for debate.”  I don’t think so. If Beyonce wanted to really make a difference to black people in the USA she could have given them her lunch money (probably   a million dollars) to would help build organisations such as BLM, rather than allow her to rebrand herself as a C21st Black Power figure.

Why has this happened? It says something about the decline of the Left that at a political demo today you are more likely to see well off singers such as Charlotte Church spouting about injustice rather than fast food workers or care assistants.

One thing I really like about this book is Dave’s Rebel Music Manifesto where he encourages the reader to get active not just in music but politics. To me, this is much more interesting and important that the many pages devoted to the history of music and its relationship to political regimes and the masses.

In 2017 many people are angry about their lives and have little hope for the future. Thousands of people are out on demos,  but no political party or left groupso far seems able to inspire those people to do much more than demonstrate. Music is important in politics and as anarchist Emma Goldman said; “A revolution without dancing is not a revolution worth having.”

Buy it here

Posted in Alice Nutter, anti-cuts, book review, Ireland, Irish second generation, labour history, Manchester, music, North of Ireland, trade unions, Uncategorized, working class history, young people | Tagged , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Book review; Bob Crow Socialist, Leader, Fighter by Gregor Gall

bob crow 1

Bob Crow grew up on a council estate in the East End of London: his father was a docker and his mother was  a cleaner. He left school at 16 without any qualifications with dreams of becoming a professional footballer,  and when this failed he got a job working for the London Underground.

He came from a political background: his father was part of that radical tradition of dockers who were communists, read the Morning Star,  and active in their Union. Like my father who worked in the building trade,  they were highly politicised workers who knew what side they were on and,  as Bob says  “When we used to come home at 6 o’clock at night, the news was always on and old man had an opinion about everything. All the big industries were unionised. All my mates’ dads’ families were in unions. It was just a fact of life.”

Bob joined the NUR when he was 18 on 6 May 1979 –the week that  Margaret Thatcher was elected Prime Minister. He became active in the union following a fallout with his supervisor and went to a union meeting to complain. This began his lifetime commitment to trade union activity. In 1980 he was elected as a local union representative, working on behalf of thousands of Underground infrastructure maintenance and renewal workers called Permanent Way staff. By the time of his early death in 2014 he had become not just the leader of one of the most militant trade unions in the country,  but a leader who  was loved and inspired by his members and who articulated the views of socialism and compassion which led many people in this country to see him as a working class hero.

In this well –written new biography Gregor Gall explains how and why Bob Crow achieved this fame. Central to Bob’s rise to power was the position of the RMT workers on the London Underground. Unlike any other part of the railway system in the UK, London cannot function without its public transport system. Bob Crow understood this,  and used the privatisation of British Rail to strengthen the RMT and make it an effective fighting force which would  defend its  members jobs and working conditions.  Gregor shows that Bob was much more than a Daily Mail caricature of a strike happy trade union leader. “In all, Crow led from the front in making sure that – whether through threats or action or action itself – an increasing amount of pressure was put on employers to settle on terms acceptable to RMT members.”

Bob Crow was much more than a union leader. His leadership of the RMT led to the creation of three organisations that would act, or try to, act as vehicles to promote the interests of working class people and socialism, filling  a vacuum he felt that had been vacated by the Labour Party. By 2007 he was telling the RMT  AGM,  “Any hope of the Labour Party working for workers is dead, finished, over. I think all of you who are staying in the Labour Party are just giving credibility to it.”  His response to this political vacuum was to work with selected  Labour MPs,but also to promote organisations that he believed  would lay the groundwork for a new party of labour, including the National Shop Stewards Network, the No2EU and the Trades Union and Socialist Coalition.

Crucial to all this politics was Bob Crow’s personality,  the larger than life working class male who loved his family, his football team and having a good time. He was attacked constantly by the media because of his accent, his no- nonsense up front defence of his RMT members and calls  for a better world for all people.  He defended himself;  “To be a general secretary of a union you’ve got to be larger than life…You want someone who’s got a bit of spark about them…And perhaps sometimes where some people might keep their mouth shut I have expressed a point of view where sometimes you should listen a bit more.”

One of the reasons why Bob Crow was loved by his members was because he was on their side and would do whatever he could to win them better pay and conditions. He inspired people like Lorna Tooley whom I interviewed in  2015 when researching a pamphlet on Manchester Irish Trade Unionist Mary Quaile (1886-1958) I interviewed several modern “Marys”: women active in the trade union movement today. My aim was to show the relevance of trade unionism today,  and in particular its relevance to the lives of younger women.

Lorna Tooley, who is in her twenties and Branch Secretary East Ham RMT, told me that  trade unionism turned around her life; “The union helped me a lot and showed me   what they can do and why they are there. They inspired me, all my life I have had so much shit happen to me, it was a lightbulb moment, that there are people who will stand up for each other, and will help other people who are not as strong as them….Through the union I have gained an education, gained confidence and it has also opened my eyes to injustice, not just in this country but across the world.”

lorna 2

Lorna and her comrades

Gregor Gall’s biography gives one a fascinating insight into Bob’s life, covering many aspects of not just his union work but his relationship with his family, the media and the Left.  Communist and trade union activist Eddie Frow used to say that there were only two kinds of history; bosses’ and workers. Gregor has definitely written the latter.

Buy it here

Posted in anti-cuts, biography, book review, Communism, education, feminism, human rights, labour history, Socialism, trade unions, Uncategorized, working class history | Tagged , , | 4 Comments

A Better World for Women: British Women Trade Unionists visit the Soviet Union in 1925

Soviet Russian women's delegation report

In 2017 it feels  like the word hope has left the political vocabulary. Politics today seems to be all  about trying to hang  on to our jobs and our public services. It feels as if we are all in the gutter, not looking at the stars.

In 1925 things were not much better, particularly for women. After the end of the  First World War female membership in trade unions declined,  and continued to do so throughout the 1920s and 1930s,  while   unemployment rose and wages fell. Cheap female labour was used by employers to displace men while the trade union movement struggled to attract women because it failed to address their particular needs as workers, carers and citizens.

Many  people in the UK  looked to the new society being created in the Soviet Union as a blueprint for a better world. In April 1925 a group of British women trade unionists set off on a  four month fact-finding visit to the Soviet Union on behalf of the TUC. Mary Quaile chaired the delegation, reflecting  her national status in the trade union movement. When Margaret Bonfield was appointed as Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Labour in January 1924 in the first Labour Government,  Mary had taken  her place on the General Council of the TUC.

The women’s delegation took place because it was felt that, although a delegation of trade unionists  had visited the Soviet Union the previous year,  “the delegation had not included women, who it might be urged would be quick to appreciate conditions affecting the work, health and general conditions of women and children in Russia.”

The delegation was made up of four women.  In addition to  Mary, there was Mrs. A. Bridge, an organiser in the National Union of Printing,Bookbinding and Paper Workers; Miss Annie Loughlin, an organiser in the Tailor and Garment Workers Union; and Miss L. A. Aspinall, an organiser in the Weavers, Winders and Reelers Association. The delegation also included a stenographer, Miss Kay Purcell,  and an interpreter, Mrs. Z. Coates. It is hard to imagine today how mindblowing it must have been for these working class women to visit the Soviet Union in an era when foreign travel was usually confined to the middle-class. Just looking at this photo of them leaving shows how excited and happy they look.

British Womens Delegation 1925The delegation started out in Moscow, and then travelled across the country to Leningrad, Kharkov, the Crimea, Balaclava, Sebastopol, Rostov-on-Don, Kislovodsk, Grozny, Baku,Tiflis, Borzhom, Abas-Timan and Vladikavkaz. They countered  criticism that they were  being manipulated by the Soviet authorities by stating; “Whilst the local trade union and Soviet Authorities made suggestions, it was the delegation itself who decided where they should go, and what they should see, the authorities always providing all the necessary facilities.”

It was not just the geographical breadth of the women’s tour that was wide ranging,  but the subjects they investigated: factory workshops, social insurance, social issues, national minorities, textile industry, women in industry and other topics.  The printed  report  has some wonderful pictures,  not just of factories but of a Tartar Mosque in  Georgia, a workers’ rest home in the Caucasus,  and peasants at a Peasant Congress.

Mary Quaile in the Soviet Union 1925

Mary and workers at Kislovodsk

The women delegates were all women who regularly visited local mills and factories in Britain  and  so were able to comment as experts on the working conditions they  saw  in the Soviet Union. This is evident in the chapter on the Textile Industry where they looked at the way in which the work was organised compared  to British mills,  and noticed how much better the working conditions were.

In one of the garment factories they visited they commented that it was run on American lines because of an arrangement between the Russian Garment Makers Trade Union and the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America,  who supplied them with new machinery. The delegates were able to speak to these workers more freely because they were Americans who had come over in 1920.

The Soviet Union was committed in theory  to  the equality of the sexes,  but as the country  embarked on the  New Economic Policy, which reintroduced a measure of  privately run business,  women were losing their jobs and being relegated to low skill work. The delegates reported that this was being countered by allowing women to work in previously prohibited work,  including night work,  and by raising the education level of women.

And,  whilst in both Britain and the Soviet Union there were debates about how women were going to achieve equality,  in the chapter on “The Family in Soviet Russia” the answer was clear: provide communal resources such as public dining rooms and access to social clubs with childcare facilities. They also report on the position of unmarried women with children, marriage and divorce, as well as  the mutual rights and duties of parents and children. These were  policies  well ahead of British attitudes  and  legislation in the 1920s.

Soviet banner given to TUC women's delegation in 1925

Banner given to the delegation by Soviet women

Unusual for any delegation at that time was the inclusion of an analysis of organisations specifically for children. The delegates spoke  to children in the Young Pioneers, an organisation for children of 11-16 years –  comparing with the more militarised British Scout Movement – and could actually speak and report verbatim the views of one of the children.

In 2017 we could and should be sceptical about the rosy views painted by the delegates in this report. But the delegates  have no qualms about this as  they state  in the conclusion that they thought  there was  enough negative reporting of the Soviet Union,  and that they “have emphasised the good because the bad is entirely an inheritance of the past; the good is the work of the present and an earnest hope of the future” and that “no honest observer of present-day Soviet Russia can doubt for one moment that a great and sincere experiment in working class government is being carried out in Russia.”

You can read the report at the WCML see

Posted in book review, Communism, feminism, human rights, International Women's Day, labour history, Manchester, political women, Socialist Feminism, trade unions, Uncategorized, women, working class history, young people | Tagged , | Leave a comment

Book Review; Women Workers and the Trade Unions by Sarah Boston


Where can you read about the history of the trade union movement? Over the years I have been on many trade union courses,  but none of them gave me any insight into the history of my union or the origins of the trade union movement. I am currently researching the Manchester and Salford Women’s Trades Council and  felt I needed some background reading,  but discovered that  there are few overall histories of the trade union movement, and even less about women’s role in it. One exception is Sarah Boston’s book Women Workers and the Trade Unions.

This work is not only very well researched but  is written in an accessible and interesting way, no  doubt influenced by her own history of being a trade union rep in the ACTT and understanding the audience she wanted to get her book out to.

I like Sarah’s anger about the way in which women’s role in the trade union movement has been marginalised and often ignored. “The policies, attitudes and behaviour of trade unions towards women both puzzled and outraged me,” she says, Her analysis doesn’t just record women’s role in trade unions but puts it into the context of women’s lives and their position in society.


She has taken on a massive task; recording the history of women workers and trade unions from the early 1800s  to 1980 when the book was published. She has  had to dig deep to unearth women’s stories using primary material including the records and journals of the early women’s movement, annual reports, records and publications of the TUC and those of  individual trades unions. As a co-founder  of the Mary Quaile Club I know that it was only by chance  that we managed to contact Mary’s living relatives who had saved the Minute Books of the Manchester and Salford Womens Trades Union Council (1895-1919) and were happy to hand them over to our Club so that we could transcribe and  publicise them.

The story of women’s role in the trade union movement can be  a depressing one. At its heart is  the fact that women have not just struggled to fight for justice at work but they have had to fight for recognition by their male comrades,  fight to be accepted as members of the union  – and then fight for equality  within the union.

Sarah’s book dispels many myths about women as union members. She shows how women did organise themselves as workers even before the 1870s,  but it was in the last quarter of the C19th that women really became organised,  particularly in the massive textile industry where the  weavers’ unions comprised  at least 75% of all organised women workers at that time. But although the weavers’ unions gave women full rights of membership the leadership was generally male with women sitting on local committees.


Women needed trade unions, or at least ones organised by themselves, to improve their low wages. As far back as 1888 the TUC passed a motion, moved by Clementina Black, supporting the need for women to receive equal pay with men. But running  throughout the tortuous history of women’s relationship with the men in trade unions  is the sexist attitude that women only worked to supplement the family income, ignoring the fact that many women were the main wage earner in the family.

For me one of the most dynamic eras is the 1900-1914, mainly because of my work on the MSWTUC. It was a time when the campaign for the vote energised working class women and journals such as Mary Macarthur’s The Woman Worker covered issues including equal pay and maternity benefits. And  it also opened the debate about women’s rights interviewing Russian socialist feminist Alexandra Kollontai, for instance.


Poverty was the key issue affecting women’s lives but organisations such as the Women’s Cooperative Guild supported by women’s trade unions also  lobbied for maternity and sickness benefit for all women. The WCG  held meetings across the country offering lessons on basic hygiene and care for baby and mother and even produced a small booklet called Maternity, Letters from Working Women which gave a voice to women about their experiences of childbirth. It is heartbreaking reading some of the comments made by the women  weavers.


Reading this history is depressing in many ways; particularly the uphill battle women had (and have even today) to get their voices heard in the labour and trade union movement. But it is also inspiring that so many individual women and groups did take on not just their fellow workers and employers, but also fought hard to improve the lives of women at work and in society.

Today in 2017 we are seeing a major onslaught on our lives as women and as workers and it is frightening to see all the benefits and improved working conditions being swept away under the guise of “austerity.” Recently in a   free national newspaper a woman wrote in to say  that she had to choose whether to become pregnant and lose her job or decide not to have a child at all. Women Workers and the Trade Unions is a reminder of how far we, as women trade unionists,  have come, but it is  also a wake up call to all women today that what have got  is under attack –  and we need to start fighting back!

Some women (and men) are doing so and the example of the Durham Teaching Assistants (94% women) is inspiring because it shows how trade unions are still important but that new methods and strategies are needed; they used Facebook and Twitter to organise themselves and run their campaign.

They are following in the footsteps of a rich and radical trade union tradition in this country; one that will not go away as long as women believe that they can make this a fair and just society.

There is now an updated version buy it here

Donate to keep women’s trade union history alive see

Posted in book review, feminism, human rights, labour history, Manchester, political women, Socialist Feminism, trade unions, Uncategorized, women, working class history, young people | Tagged , , , , , | 2 Comments

Minutes of Manchester and Salford Women’s Trades Union Council 1903-1905


This is my fourth post about the Manchester and Salford Women’s Trade Union Council, and covers the years 1903-1905.

By 1903 the Council was an established organisation which  individuals and organisations contacted,  not just for help with organising women into trade unions, but  was also  contacted by national and local organisations to gain information and support.

Organising Secretary Eva Gore Booth became a representative on the Manchester City Council Education Committee which gave the Council the opportunity to lobby on behalf of women. An example of this is in May 1903 they protested against girls being excluded from scholarships for the Municipal School of Technology.

Women contacted them about getting help to form unions from as far away as dressmakers in Sligo in Ireland to the women Chain Makers in Cradley Heath in Birmingham. Eva was asked by the Hanley Trades Council to speak at their Labour Day to encourage women to get organised into trade unions.

New groups of women including cafe workers, were contacting the Council,  highlighting issues of long hours, low pay and unhealthy work conditions. Messrs. Roberts Cafe was mentioned by an anonymous worker – possibly Mary Quaile – who later on in 1911 joined the Council as an Assistant Secretary.

Council meetings were now to be held alternately in the afternoon and the evenings so the women secretaries could attend.

The Council also stepped in when women could not access union funds. In April 1904 a fire in a local mill meant that 80 to 90 women lost their jobs. Their Union, the Winders, could only provide financial help after 5 weeks. The Council issued a circular on behalf of the women asking for financial help from other trade societies. The Weavers’ Union, a large and relatively  well-off union, lent £20. Financially independent women on the Council – including Margaret Ashton, Miss Gaskell and Mrs. Schwann  -gave £5 each.

But the question of the vote for women was to rock the Council in the autumn of 1904. Leading activists Eva Gore Booth, Sarah Dickenson and Christabel Pankhurst felt that the Council should, alongside other trade union and progressive organisations, support the suffrage campaign. In a motion  Christabel Pankhurst urged the Council; “That it is now time that the Council should bring their policy into line with that of the Unions with which they are connected by taking active part in the effort to gain political power for the women workers.”

But other members of the Council objected, saying that it was down to  individual trade unions to support the campaign, and  it would alienate their subscribers and friends. Christabel’s motion was defeated and she, plus Eva and Sarah, resigned from the Council. Affiliated unions such as the Salford Weavers with 800 members followed them,  as well as six other trade unions. They went on to form a new organisation,  which in its name reflected the politics of the day; the  Manchester and Salford Women’s Trades and Labour Council.


This spilt damaged the Council  and in 1905  its work declined. The number of meetings they held annually went from 14 to 11.They now employed only a single Secretary Olive Aldridge, and concentrated on helping to organise smaller unions including; Sewing Machinists, India Rubber Workers, the Bakers and Confectioners, Fancy Leather Workers and Telephone Operators.

The Sewing Machinists and Bakers and Confectioners now became represented on the Council.

The Council continued to step in over cases of victimisation of trade union women. In October 1905  two women from the Leather Workers Union were dismissed from their jobs supposedly because of a lack of work. Mrs.  Aldridge visited the firm and discovered it was because of their trade union activity. Unfortunately neither she nor the Union could get the women their jobs back but the Council gave a grant of 6/- a week to the women until they got work or the Union was able to support them financially.

Over the next few years the Council had to rebuild its organisation and obtain funding from new trade union organisations as well as relying on their wealthier subscribers.

To read about the MSWTUC Transcription Project see

Donations are welcome  to continue this project – there are 23 years of Minutes- please contact

Posted in education, feminism, human rights, labour history, Manchester, political women, Salford, Socialism, trade unions, Uncategorized, women, working class history, young people | Tagged , , , , , | Leave a comment

“We cannot go on as usual”: my review of “Freedom is a Constant Struggle” by Angela Y Davis.


“Pessimism of the Intellect and Optimism of the Will”. This phrase sums up how I feel about 2016. I came across this  quote in a brilliant book  Freedom is a Constant Struggle; Ferguson, Palestine, and the Foundations of a Movement by Angela Y. Davis; a political prisoner in the 1970s, now an academic and author. It is a collection of essays, interviews and speeches in which she reflects on her life and politics, reminding us that it is only through community and collectivity that we can have hope and optimism for the future.

Angela  is one of the few women on the Left who has a public and international platform, unlike many other working class and grassroots organisers,  a gap that has undeniably led to the fragmentation and weakness of the Left, not just in this country but across the world.

In the chapter “Feminism and Abolition; Theories and Practice,” she  questions the concept of what it means to be a woman in the C21st and highlights the role of transgender women and  the way in which they are oppressed particularly in the prison system. It is Angela at her best; challenging our views about gender, linking together sexism, racism and the continuing struggle for freedom by all people. She says; “Feminism involves so much more than  gender equality. ..Feminism must involve a consciousness of capitalism.”

The title of the book is a reference to a freedom song that was sung during the C20th  civil rights movement. Angela uses it to reflect on her historical view of how  individuals, such as Martin Luther King , are used  to represent the civil rights  movement. As she says; “And I wonder, will we ever truly recognise the collective subject of history that was itself produced by radical organising?” She goes on to highlight the role of the anonymous black female domestic workers in Montgomery in the 1950s who refused to ride the segregated buses and without whom there would have not been a boycott movement for Martin Luther King to lead.


Angela constantly reminds us of past history and the key role of grass roots struggles in building radical movements. She comments; “Progressive struggles – whether they are focussed on racism, repression, poverty, or other issues are doomed to fail if they do not also attempt to develop a consciousness of the insidious promotion of capitalist individualism.”

The strength and brilliance of this book is in its wide historical range,  linking the past with present day struggles. One of the most shocking facts Angela points out  is that there are now more black people incarcerated in the US prison system than there were slaves in the 1850s. And the links between the policing of black people, in places such as Ferguson and people of colour in the C21st,  mirrors the use of slave patrols which hunted down escaped slaves. As Angela says “Then, as now, the use of armed representatives of the state was complemented by the use of civilians to perform the violence of the state.”

But this is not a depressing book. Angela shows how oppressed people in places as different as Ferguson and Palestine have recognised the links between their struggles. Many US police forces are now being trained in Israel on “counter terrorist “ training and using the same weaponry. Palestine activists noticed that police in Ferguson were using the same tear gas used against them: through social media they told the Ferguson protestors how to deal with it.


Palestine is a key issue in the book. Angela links the segregation in Palestine with the historical racism in the southern states of the US,  the apartheid of South Africa,  and the role of the USA in collaborating with these administrations. Angela is a member of the International Political Prisoners Committee which campaigns for the freedom of Palestinian prisoners, and she is involved with the Boycott Disinvestment Sanctions movement. To her the plight of the Palestinians is directly linked to global capitalism and the way in which private corporations such as G4S have insidiously crept into “securing” Palestinian prisoners as well as “policing” schools in the USA. She quotes Nelson Mandela; “We know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.”

I have been a lifelong trade unionist and community activist and my recent work of transcribing the minutes of a unique organisation the Manchester and Salford Womens TUC (1895-1919) has confirmed to me the importance of collective action, particularly for poor and working class women. Likewise Angela’s book is a reminder of how we are all part of an important history of radical community actions. As she says “It is in collectivities that we find reservoirs of hope and optimism.”

Freedom is a Constant Struggle was published before the election of Donald Trump, but I think Angela’s  summary of what we should all do would not be any different. She says; “We will have to do something extraordinary; We will have to go to great lengths. We cannot go on as usual. We cannot pivot the centre. We cannot be moderated. We will have to be willing to stand up and say no with our combined spirits, our collective intellects and our many bodies.”

Buy it here

Posted in anti-cuts, book review, Communism, education, feminism, human rights, labour history, Palestine, political women, Socialism, Socialist Feminism, Uncategorized, women, working class history, young people | Tagged , , , , | 3 Comments